Guns for the Union
This article was written by Jim Wudarczyk.
Major John Symington assumed command of the facility on June 1, 1857, and continued in that position until late 1862.
By 1860 the Allegheny Arsenal had established for itself an enviable record as one of the principal arsenals in America. The Commander John Symington prepared a report, dated June 30, 1860, which showed that the facility was active in the fabricating and repair of gun carriages, cartridge boxes, leather goods and artillery cartridges. In addition, the Symington report showed the repair and additions to building and grounds. Part of the report shows:
An addition to the new shops, 49 ½ by 48 feet, two stories high, with heavy stone cornice, and roof covered with zinc, built and supplied with 415 lineal feet, of seven inches diameter, thick sheet-iron pipe for heating it with steam. The lower story fitted up with machinery for wood-work operations, and the upper with offices, benches, closets, etc., suitable for a workshop for accoutrement and harness makers; and also a steam-heated chamber lined with sheet-iron and zinc, with iron frames to hold iron racks on rollers for drying and varnishing accoutrements.
A new stable seventy-five by thirty-five feet, with two projecting pediments, two stories and basement, of which only the basement was erected at last resort completed and supplied with lightning conductors.
The new magazine plastered, floors laid and completed and lightning conductors attached.
The building in the upper park has been plastered, painted and finished.
The old smithy armory and machine shops cleaned up, altered and repaired, to adapt them for storehouses; and ninety-four 32 and 24-pounder barbette carriages have been properly piled and arranged in them.
The wall and fence on the riverfront of arsenal grounds finished.
2,790 lineal feet of gutters, sewers, and roads constructed.
6 Cess-pools dug and walled up.
1 Hydrant made and put up.
Perches of stone enclosing wall, rebuilt, and 100 feet of stone coping laid.
Attention was turned to the Arsenal in December of 1860 when Pittsburgh residents learned of plans to ship cannon from the Arsenal to Southern ports. On December 23, 1860, Major John Symington, a man whose tenure as commander was marked by crisis, received an order from Secretary of War John B. Floyd to ship one hundred twenty-pound guns to New Orleans, eventually destined to be shipped to ports in Texas. According to Arthur B. Fox and John Carnprobst, “Secretary of War John B. Floyd had ordered 124 cannons shipped from the arsenal to two gulf forts under construction and not equipped to mount armaments. The orders No. 666 and 667 for Christmas Eve 1860 included 21 10-inch Columbiads, 21 8-inch Columbiads, and four 32-pounder guns for Lt. E. F. Prime, at Ship Island, Biloxi, Mississippi, and 23 10-inch Columbiads, 48 8-inch Columbiads, and seven 32 pounder cannons for Lt. W. H. Stevens, at Galveston Harbor, Texas.” Excitement ran throughout the streets of Pittsburgh as soon as the people learned of this fact. A number of leading citizens petitioned the mayor to hold a meeting on the matter.
Major John Symington apparently received the order for supplies on December 22, 1860, since that is also the date that Symington had recorded in the 1860 – 1861 Orders for Supplies logbook. A notation also indicated that the orders were filled or “issued” on December 24, 1860. The following correspondence clearly indicates that Floyd had ordered the transfer of the guns.
Order for Supplies, No. 666
Ordnance Office, War Department
Washington, D.C., December 22, 1860
Maj. J. Symington,
Sir: You are hereby required to issue to Lieut. F. E. Prime, Corps of Engineers, at the fort on Ship Island, Miss., the following ordnance stores, viz: Twenty-one 10-inch Columbiads; twenty-one 8-inch Columbiads, and four 32- pounder guns.
Lieutenant Prime’s post office address is Biloxi, Miss.
Captain of Ordnance
Order for supplies, No. 667
Ordnance Office, War Department
December 22, 1860
Maj. J. Symington, Allegheny Arsenal:
Sir: You are hereby required to issue to Lieut. W. H. Stevens, at the fort in Galveston Harbor, Tex., the following ordnance stores, viz: Twenty-three 10-inch columbiads, forty-eight 8-inch columbiads, and seven 32-pounder guns.
Captain of Ordnance
[Inclosure No. 3]
December 21, 1860
Hon. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War
Sir: I have the honor to report that in compliance with your directions I have ordered forty-two columbiads and four 32-pounder guns to be sent to the fort on Ship Island also seventy columbiads and seven 32-pounder guns to the fort in Galveston Harbor. These cannons have been ordered from the arsenal near Pittsburg, and directed to be consigned to the engineer officer in charge of the respective forts, viz: Those for Ship Island to Lieut. F.E.Prime, and those to Galveston to Lieut. W. H. Stevens, of which these officers have been advised. These pieces of ordnance belong to the regular armament of the respective forts.
Respectively, your obedient servant,
Captain of Ordnance
[Inclosure No. 4]
Allegheny Arsenal, December 28, 1860
Capt. William Maynadier,
In charge of Ordnance Bureau:
Sir: I have respectfully to report that the contractors for the transportation of the heavy guns destined for Galveston Harbor, Tex., per order for supplies No. 66, commenced hauling them to-day from the arsenal to the steamer Silver Wave, lying at the Pittsburg landing, and that another steamer is engaged to transport the guns, per order No. 666, for Ship Island, Biloxi, Miss., but for want of a sufficient number of suitable wagons the loading of this steamer cannot be entered upon until the Silver Wave has had her freight all on board. The order for Ship Island required twenty-one 8-inch Columbiads, but there being one gun less of this caliber than the order called for, only twenty 8-inch will be forwarded. The new pattern 8-inch columbiads have not yet been brought down from the proving ground.
I am, very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Major of Ordnance
Evidence of the discontent of local residents was probably reflected best by the PITTSBURGH GAZETTE, which wrote on December 25, 1860:
The hearts of this people was stirred to the utmost indignation; yesterday, upon learning that Secretary Floyd of the War Department, had ordered most of the cannon at the U.S. Arsenal, here, to the extent of one hundred or more, to be shipped to New Orleans and Galveston. The people could hardly believe so astounding a story at first; but every inquiry only confirmed the report. There is no doubt of its truth. There is the utmost activity at the Arsenal; and the steamboat, the “Silver Wave,” has been chartered to convey the guns from hence to their Southern destination.
We hear, also, that large quantities of the small arms at the Arsenal have been shipped South, lately, by railroad.
These facts go to show conclusively the treasonable purpose of the administration. Every Northern Arsenal has been stripped of arms and ordnance, and every Southern Arsenal crammed full and left in such condition as to give the Secessionists a chance to capture them, and provide themselves thoroughly with the accoutrements of war, at the expense of the government. The one hundred and odd cannon to be sent from here to Ship Island and Galveston are, without doubt, to be placed where they can be captured without a blow.
The traitors of the South are thus being furnished by a government in league with them with all the ammunitions of war.
Judges Shaler, Shannon, and Wilkins called upon the mayor to convene a meeting. On December 27th it was learned from Major Taliafferro that only a small number of small arms had actually been shipped. There had been speculation that a box manufacturer was hired to make a large number of wooden crates for future shipments.
As soon as the people of Pittsburgh became convinced that they were being robbed of their guns by a band of traitors, the streets were filled with discontented crowds and soapbox orators. Feelings of uneasiness were especially rampant in Lawrenceville. Prominent citizens and Democrats in good standing with the government exerted their influence to have the Floyd orders rescinded. This conflict between official orders and local protest made Pittsburgh the theater of the first conflict between the North and the South.
The Killikelly History of Pittsburgh sheds additional light on the conflict as it raged in the city:
There was forwarded to the President, Secretary of State, and Attorney General, manuscript copies of this message, (reference to telegram sent to President Buchanan) with a request for an immediate reply. Another committee was appointed to endeavor to persuade the officers of the Arsenal to disregard the order until an answer to the telegram was received, and also to ascertain the particulars of recent shipments of arms and equipment to the south and the amount and character of stores at the Arsenal. The Commandant of the Arsenal, Major John Symington of Maryland, refused to give any satisfactory information concerning shipments of arms, etc., and stated that the cannon which had been ordered south were for the “equipment of two new forts on the Gulf of Mexico,” and would be shipped unless the order was revoked at Washington. Upon inquiry it was learned that for many days past, government wagons had been transferring arms and ammunitions to the city for shipment south. There were some who counseled that the shipment of the cannon be allowed to take place, inasmuch as there was not a declared state of war, and resistance to the government’s orders was pointed out as a serious offense; but the anger of the people could not be restrained, and they were practically unanimous in the determination to prevent the guns leaving the city. The Dispatch said significantly, in its issue the same day, December twenty-fifth, “we suppose some one will tape the fire bells on the route on their making their appearance on Penn or Liberty streets that our people may witness their removal.”
Another call was issued, on the morning of the twenty-seventh, for a meeting to be held at 2 p.m. that day in the Court House. The Supreme Court room and all available space within the rotunda was over-crowded with excited men, and an adjournment to the open air was made to accommodate the throng. General Robinson again presided. He counseled restraint and that “nothing resembling an overt act of treason should be committed.” Resolutions were adopted stating, “First, notwithstanding the notorious fact that our rulers are disarming the friends and arming the enemies of the Union, we feel that its friends are strong enough, even without other arms than their own, to sustain the Constitution and the laws and to follow and to retake the guns thus ordered to be removed, in case they shall be traitorously employed against them. Second, that we therefore deprecate any interference with the said arms under government orders, however inopportune or impolitic the same may be, believing that it would give color to the imputation that we have no more respect for Federal Laws than any fellow citizens of the seceding State of South Carolina, and decrease our moral much more than it could increase our material power.” The remaining clauses of the resolutions professed, in substance, “loyalty to the union of the states,” fellowship with the people of the south, and regret that “demagogues and nations should have been able to deceive them into a contrary belief,” there here there was no North or South, that the existing state of affairs which had occasioned the disturbance was deplored, that to restore confidence it behooved the President to purge his Cabinet of every man who was known to have been giving aid and comfort to, or in any wise countenancing and abetting the actual or apprehended revolt of any of the States against the Constitution and the laws of the Union; and that the sons of Pennsylvania call upon the President to see that no detriment came to the Republic while it remained in his hands. After the passage of these resolutions another was appended, providing that copies should be transmitted to the President, though heads of the various departments at Washington, and to each of the Senators and members of Congress, and also that the same be published in the city papers. The dissenting voices to the adoption of these resolutions came from those who were in favor of physical resistance to the execution of the government’s orders to ship the guns.
Major Symington resisted the attacks that had been made on him by some of the papers and sent a letter to the meeting, stating that the published “misstatements in regard to the operations of this Arsenal * * * should be corrected,” and that the various orders to be filled were long standing. The letter continued, giving details of various orders, etc. The meeting adjourned, but the people continued to linger about anxiously awaiting a reply to the telegram of the twenty-fifth. It did not come, and indignation meetings were held daily. In the meantime several of the guns had been hauled to the wharf and some of them loaded on the transport, the Silver Wave, amid great excitement. On one occasion the guns and the soldiers escorting them were held up on the streets and were not allowed to continue for some hours, but happily there was no violence. In a few days, on January third, 1861, the news came that the order had been recalled, and the community quieted down.
An interesting explanation of the final action of the President in forcing Secretary Floyd to countermand his order was recently published in the Bulletin: There lived in Lawrenceville a cousin of the President, Dr. J. S. Spear, a noted oculist, and one time President of the Allegheny Cemetery Association. Realizing the danger of an open rupture between the government and citizens, he wrote to President Buchanan, detailing the state of local feeling and warning him that the government was incurring great danger of collision in Pittsburgh. Upon the receipt of this letter the President commanded Secretary Floyd to countermand the order immediately. Had the order not been countermanded there is no doubt that the guns would have failed to reach their destination, as the temper of the populace was such that, had the guns been loaded on the transport, they would have been sunk before they were a quarter of a mile from the wharf.
While Pittsburgh residents were fighting to retain a firm grip on the guns that they felt rightfully belonged at the Allegheny Arsenal, John Floyd was engaged in his own battle to retain his reputation, as well as his cabinet position. Floyd’s problems in part stemmed from an easy-going and often lax management system, which often relied on verbal rather than written orders. This clashed sharply with President Buchanan’s meticulous reliance on detailed reporting. First the administration feared that South Carolina would attack Fort Moultrie after the state passed a resolution to secede from the Union. To make matters worse, on the following day, December 22, 1860, Buchanan learned that some members of his government were involved in a financial scandal. This scandal centered around Godard Bailey, a relative of John Floyd’s who worked in the office of Secretary Thompson, and the firm of the army’s contractors, Russell, Majors and Waddell. It appeared that Bailey had access to the government bonds issued in increments of $1,000 each that were held by the federal government in trust for the Indians. Russell apparently offered to accept government contracts if Bailey would provide the bonds as collateral until he was paid in full for his services to the army. When the firm of Russell, Majors and Waddell was paid, Russell simply returned the bonds to Bailey for redeposit into the trust. Secretary Thompson was kept from any knowledge of such transactions until some of the bonds made their way to the open market. It was then discovered that $870,000 worth of bonds had left the Interior Department. The press soon reported the matter in a very damaging way, and the Buchanan administration found itself in a very embarrassing position. President Buchanan was livid over the matter. To make the scandal even worse, the press reported that Buchanan’s bankers, Riggs and Company had bought six of the stolen bonds. According to Philip Shriver Klein, in his biography of James Buchanan, “ Apparently, Floyd had known nothing about Bailey’s trading and he had certainly derived no profit from it. True, he had disobeyed Buchanan in order to provide for the army whose needs Congress had persistently ignored, but he felt he deserved praise rather than blame for risking his administrative neck to care for the nation’s troops. The district court thought otherwise and planned to prosecute him for conspiracy to defraud the government.”
When the president learned of the controversial orders to ship cannon and other arms from the Pittsburgh arsenal, he apparently felt that two scandals involving Floyd was more than could be tolerated. However, he did not have the heart to fire the Secretary of War, especially on Christmas Day. Working through other cabinet members, James Buchanan thought it best to persuade Floyd to resign his position as Secretary of War. Floyd had been ill for some weeks, and these events pressed very heavily on his emotional health.
When Floyd learned that it was the president, who personally ordered the countermanding of his order to remove guns from the Allegheny Arsenal, he flew into a rage because he believed the Buchanan had undermined the authority of his position. However, he maintained his rational behavior long enough to reject a plan by Senator Wigfall to kidnap Buchanan and put Breckinridge into the presidency.
The next day, Floyd – although uninvited – attended a cabinet meeting where he was hostile and spoke very discourteously President Buchanan. Thompson, who was present, defended the president and charged that he would prosecute everyone involved in the Indian bond affair, including Floyd whom he was sure had some part in the scandal. These sharp differences with the cabinet afforded John Floyd the excuse he needed to resign his position.
On December 27, 1860, the GAZETTE encouraged the citizens of Pittsburgh to arm themselves because the government was no longer to be trusted to act in their defense. It also reported of the removal of hundred twenty-four cannon, forty-six which were to be sent to Ship Island and seventy-eight to Galveston, as well as the removal of all small arms but 80,000.
When the turmoil began, Major Symington failed to give a satisfactory answer to the destination of the guns. Another Pittsburgh newspaper, the DISPATCH asked, “Shall Pennsylvania be disarmed with impunity and Charleston be allowed to seize on Federal arms with which to overthrow the Union? Will our people submit to this? The people of Allegheny County should see that the cannon purchased by the national treasury are not conveyed to the Far South; and they need barricade the streets to prevent it. Let them decide that no cannon shall be shipped till Charleston Arsenal is in possession of the Federal Government and none will be.”
The DISPATCH again aroused patriotic sentiments when it ran an editorial telling the people that “at present it is only necessary to prevent the transportation of these arms by interposing the bodies of citizens of the United States before the timber wheels engaged in the job. If Major Symington cannot get 124 guns hauled, they cannot be shipped and his responsibility ceases. We dissent from those who advise that the guns be allowed to go to wharf. If they go there they will be shipped to their destination.” Major Symington’s explanation that the guns were intended to arm several new forts in Mississippi and Texas only arose further suspicions.
One man who played a prominent role in the cannon crisis was Allegheny County’s auditor John M. Larimer. Larimer, a native of Library, PA, who kept his buggy at a livery stable on the Diamond, was driving his buggy to work when he discovered that the Monongahela wharf was “black with cannon.” It was Larimer who reported the incident to Judge Charles Shaler, a friend of President Buchanan. Upon Larimer’s urging, Shaler telegraphed the President, who was astonished that any member of his cabinet would dare issue such an order. The president was apparently shocked because he immediately forwarded the telegram to his Secretary of War:
Christmas Evening, 1860.
My Dear Sir: I send you a telegram which I have this moment received from Pittsburgh.
Your friend, very respectfully,
Pittsburgh, December 25, 1860.
His Excellency James Buchanan,
President of the United States,
An order has issued from the War Department to transfer all the effective munitions of war from the arsenal in this city to Southern forts. Great excitement has been created in the public mind by this order. We would advise that the order be immediately countermanded. We speak at the instance of the people, and if not done we cannot be answerable for the consequences.
Wm. F. Johnston
On Friday, December 28th, five heavy cannon were sent to the wharf to be shipped South, and by December 31st some twenty-five guns were at the Pittsburgh wharf awaiting to leave for their destination. When Floyd’s orders were telegraphically countermanded on January 3, 1861, the residents of Pittsburgh celebrated their victory with salutes fired from cannon from one of the many hills. It took several days for the clearing of some thirty-five guns, but all of the cannon were returned to the Allegheny Arsenal.
The January 5th, 1861, issue of Harper’s Weekly made brief mention of the episode.
The people of Pittsburgh and vicinity were thrown into a state of the greatest excitement on Monday by a revelation of the fact that United States Quarter-master Taliafero was arranging for the shipment was arranging for the shipment of seventy-eight heavy guns to Newport, Texas, and forty-six more to Ship Island, near the Balize, from the Allegheny Arsenal—the apparent object being to place them in a position where they could be seized by the Secessionists. It appears that the forts at the points designated are new, and have never had any guns, and that those in question were originally designed for them. In the present condition of affairs, however, the citizens of Pittsburgh think it better that the guns should remain where they are, and measures are being taken to retain them.
Even after the orders for the shipping of the guns were countermanded, there was some correspondence to indicate that the matter was not completely closed. For example, on January 3, 1861, J. K. Moorhead and Simon Cameron appealed to the interim Secretary of War, Joseph Holt, for an audience to discuss the matter. “General Cameron and myself called this morning to see you with regard to the removal of cannon from the Allegheny Arsenal. The people of my district are greatly excited on this subject, but disposed to maintain law and order, as they should. We hope to be able to see you to-day, and ask respectfully that you do not decide the case adverse to the wishes of our constituents before receiving us.”
Upon news that the cannon would be returned to the Lawrenceville arsenal, Major George Wilson, sent on January 4, 1861, the following message to the Gentlemen of the Select and Common Council of the City of Pittsburgh:
Intelligence of an authentic character reached me yesterday to the effect that the order for the removal of the ordnance from the U.S. Arsenal near this city had been countermanded.
In view of the excitement which has prevailed in the community on this subject I deem it proper to make this official communication. I may also be permitted to suggest the propriety of your taking some formal action expressive of the grateful feeling which now animates all classes for an act of the Government at once so well timed and judicious. It is a matter of just pride and congratulation that notwithstanding the popular indignation at the outset, our citizens of all parties refrained from any act of violence and appealed successfully to the authorities at Washington for the rescinding of the obnoxious order.
An elated City Council passed a resolution on January 4, 1861:
Be it resolved by the Select and Common Councils of the City of Pittsburgh, That we have heard with much pleasure of the action of the proper Department in countermanding the order of the late Secretary of War of the removal of the ordnance from the U.S. Arsenal near this city.
Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolution, signed by the mayor of Pittsburgh and the presiding officers of councils, be transmitted to the President, Attorney-General, and the Acting Secretary of War.
It was several days before Secretary of War Joseph Holt responded to the inquiry of Senator Simon Cameron and Representative J. K. Moorhead. On January 11, 1861, he replied:
Gentlemen: In reply to the inquiry contained in your note of the 3rd instant, I have the honor to state that the order directing the shipment of cannon from the Allegheny Arsenal to certain forts in the South was countermanded on the same day. On investigation it was satisfactorily ascertained that the fortifications in question were not at all in a condition to receive their armament, nor will they probably for several years to come. This will more fully appear from the letter of General Totten, in charge of the Engineer Department, which accompanies this communication. The heavy guns referred to, amounting to 124 in number, were not manufactured for the forts to which they had been ordered to be forwarded, nor that they had been purchased by any special appropriation for the erecting or arming of these forts. As they would have been entirely useless at the points for which, under the order of shipment, they were destined, and as their transportation through the country could not have failed to increase the feverish agitation and apprehension so unhappily prevalent, I did not hesitate, when the matter was brought to my notice, to direct their return to the arsenal.
Holt made further inquiries in the matter and tried to determine if the “robbing” of the Allegheny Arsenal was an isolated incident or if it was part of a wider plan. On January 18, 1861, H. K. Craig, Colonel of Ordnance, under whose jurisdiction the arsenals fell, responded to Holt’s inquiry. Craig wrote:
Sir: In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 9th instant, as to “whether any of the arms of the United States at any of the arsenals or armories have recently been removed or ordered to be removed, and, if so, by whose orders, and for what reasons,” I have to state that there have been no removals of arms since the 115,000 muskets and rifles which were ordered in January, 1860, from the armory at Springfield, Mass., and the arsenals at Watertown, Mass., and Watervliet, N. Y., to be deposited in the arsenals in North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana (other than to meet the regular requisitions of the Army, the requisitions of the States for their yearly quotas, and such as have been sold), except the pieces of heavy ordnance ordered on the 22d ultimo from the Allegheny Arsenal, near Pittsburgh, Pa., viz, twenty-one 10-inch and twenty-one 8-inch Columbiads and four 32-pounder guns, ordered to Ship Island, Miss., for a fort in course of construction there, and twenty-three 10-inch and forty-eight 8-inch Columbiads and seven 32-pounder guns, to Galveston Harbor, Tex., for a fort to be erected at that place, but the removal of which Columbiads and guns was stopped by your order.
The removal of the muskets and rifles and the intended removal of the Columbiads and guns, as well as the sale of the arms, was in obedience to orders from the Hon. John B. Floyd, late Secretary of War.
As late as October 7, 1861, Congress continued to investigate the matter. A special committee was formed in the House of Representatives and was headed by John F. Potter. Chairman Potter requested that the Secretary of War provide copies of any telegraphs and other pertinent data. He had already obtained a copy of Major Symington’s letter of December 28, 1860, which included copies of Orders Numbers 666 and 667, and was familiar with Captain Maynadier’s report to Secretary Floyd. However, James W. Ripley, Brigadier General, in charge of the Ordnance Department indicated that as of October 10, 1861, he was not able to locate any telegraphic dispatches between December 20 and 30, 1860, to Major Symington or other person in Pittsburgh or at the Allegheny Arsenal. This is in direct contradiction to the evidence presented in the 1889 edition of The War of Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, which clearly shows that correspondence existed authorizing the order for supplies, numbers 666 and 667. Earlier in this chapter, the correspondence from W. Maynadier to Major John Symington, from Maynadier to John B. Floyd, and from Symington to Maynadier, has been reproduced. By that time the investigation was a moot point since the nation was already at war and John Floyd was long gone from the War Department.
In 1916 the Women’s Historical Society of Pennsylvania erected a marker on the wall of the County Court House to commemorate this event.
Of the major players in this chapter of history in the life of the Allegheny Arsenal, all three men would have their reputations tarnished.
History would depict President James Buchanan as a “Northerner with Southern sympathies,” and whose weak, if not inept, administration did nothing to prevent the Civil War.
John Floyd resigned as Secretary of War in disgrace. He later served as a general in the Confederate army and never won a battle.
As for John Symington, he was held in suspicion in Lawrenceville. In addition to the cannon incident and the dismissal of the boys, Symington, who was extremely loyal to the Union cause, was heart-broken when his son ran away from home to join the Confederate army and was embarrassed when his daughter attended church services wearing a Confederate rosette. It was, however, the fateful explosion at the Allegheny Arsenal on September 17, 1862, that led to the removal of Symington.
Report of the Principal Operations at the Allegheny Arsenal during the year ended June 30, 1861.
Daily Pittsburgh Gazette, December 23, 1860.
Daily Pittsburgh Gazette, December 23, 1860.
Daily Pittsburgh Gazette, December 23, 1860.
“Arsenal for the Union,” Pittsburgh Press, December 2, 1962.
“Angry City Fights to Save Its Guns,”Pittsburgh Post Gazette Sunday Magazine, April 9, 1961.
Arthur B. Fox and John Carnprobst, “The Allegheny Arsenal,” Focus, Pittsburgh Tribune Review, Sunday, February 1, 1998.
Group Record 156. Entry No. 994, Ordnance Department, Allegheny Arsenal, Post Orders, July 6, 1844 to December 30, 1874, Box No. 3. Provided by John Carnprobst.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, page 15.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, page 566.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, pages 26 - 27.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, page 30.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, page 35-36.
Official Records of the War of Rebellion, Series 3, Volume I, page 59-60.
The War of Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume I, Washington D.C., 1889 edition.
Philip Shriver Klein, James Buchanan: A Biography, Falls Creek, PA: Gray Printing Company, 1962, pages 374-380.
1860-1861 Orders for Supplies, Allegheny Arsenal Logbook.
Harper’s Weekly, January 5, 1861.
Sarah H. Killikelly, The History of Pittsburgh: Its Rise and Progress, Pittsburgh: B.C. and Gordon Montgomery Co., 1906. pages 205-208.
The War of Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series 1, Volume 53, published under the direction of the Hon. Russell A. Alger, Secretary of War by Maj. George W. Davis, U.S. Army, Mr. Leslie J. Perry, Civilian Expert, and Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley, Civilian Expert Board of Publication, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1898.